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[原创] Two Republics in China
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Aust Winner 澳洲长风论坛总目录 -> Multi Languages Section 双语作品、西方文学
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海外逸士

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文章时间: 2020-3-11 周三, 下午9:20    标题: 引用回复

In mid-March, the Chinese forces abandoned Seoul without resistance when the US troops seized the high ground on both sides of the city north of the Han River. Then US air transports, flying from Taegu to Munsan-ni, a region behind Chinese lines some 20 miles northwest of Seoul, dropped the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team and two Ranger companies—more than 3,400 men. The Fifth Air Force fighters and light bombers conquered the opposition of the Chinese army, and so the United Nations forces marched rapidly to the Imjin River, capturing 127 Chinese prisoners of war. The Eighth Army moved northward across the 38th parallel.
With the coming of spring, the Chinese launched an all-out offensive with over 330,000 troops, using their “human wave” tactics. By the end of this month, they advanced to the vicinity of Seoul again. But under the United Nations assaults on the ground and in the air, both men and supplies on the Chinese side reached their limits. So the Eighth Army successfully stopped their further progress.
In spite of the resistance of the Chinese and North Korean army, the United Nations forces broke into the Pyonggang-Chorwon-Kumhwa “Iron Triangle” fortified sanctuaries just north of the 38th parallel. Therefore, on the 23rd of June, Jacob Malik, the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations, called for negotiations between the representatives of the United Nations forces and those of the Chinese and North Korean forces for an armistice in Korea based on the separation of the armies along the 38th parallel.
On the 10th of July, Vice Admiral Turner Joy, leading the United Nations delegation met the Chinese and North Korean delegation at Kaesong, some 30 miles northwest of Seoul on the south side of the 38th parallel, for the first conference of the armistice negotiations. Therefore, less actions on the ground and in the air was maintained. But on the 4th of August, the Chinese ground forces violated the Kaesong neutral zone, resulting in suspension of the truce talks. Then on the 10th of August the armistice negotiations resumed at Kaesong with the North Korea promise to respect the neutral zone. However, on the 22nd of August, the Chinese and North Korean delegation trumped up evidence that a United Nations aircraft bombed Kaesong (not considering the safety of their own delegation?), which resulted in the suspension of the armistice negotiations once again.
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文章时间: 2020-3-13 周五, 下午9:23    标题: 引用回复

Then actions on the ground and in the air resumed. United Nations ground forces withstood the battalion-sized attacks of the Chinese army in the “Punchbowl”, the circular valley in the eastern Korea, west of the Soyang River and rimmed by sharply rising hills. On the 25th of October, at the request of the Chinese and North Korean delegation, the peace negotiations resumed at Kaesong after a two-month suspension. By that time the United Nations ground forces in the western and central sections had gained up to six miles in some places along the frontline.
On the 12th of November, the peace negotiations moved to Panmunjom, a village less than 5 miles east of Kaesong, in a newly established demilitarized zone on the 38th parallel. The United Nations forces ceased offensive ground operations. Toward the end of 1951, the negotiators at Panmunjom argued over the arrangements for an armistice and provisions about the prisoners of war. Ground actions of both sides reduced to minimum. However, at Panmunjom, the negotiations made no progress. To prevent the further attack of the Chinese and North Korean army in the frontline, the main strategy of the United Nations was to hinder the transportation of equipment and supplies to their front positions. So the targets of the air raid concentrated on bridges on rivers, railroads, moving trains and trucks.
In April of 1952, there were two major ground engagements. The Chinese and North Korean forces attacked at night the positions held by the First Marine Division south of Panmunjom and later assaulted the First Commonwealth Division north of Korangpo-ri. The friendly units withstood these attacks. No other ground actions happened this month.
In June, US 45th Infantry Division in the central sector near Chorwon launched two attacks successfully to gain a high ground and repulsed the counterattack of the Chinese troops. But in July, in the eastern sector of Korea, near the coast and near Hill 266 in the US Second Infantry Division area, a battalion of the Chinese army attempted to seize the high ground. It changed hands several times, but remained under the friendly control at the end of the month.
In mid-August, some reinforced-battalions of the Chinese army attacked the United Nations positions in several sectors. Hills in the First Marine Division sector and in the South Korean Second Corps sector changed hands several times, but United Nations forces retained control of those sectors.
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文章时间: 2020-3-15 周日, 下午9:23    标题: 引用回复

On the 29th of August, at the request of the US Department of State, US Far East Air Force launched the largest air attack against Pyongyang to serve as a dramatic military action during the visit of China’s premier, Zhou Enlai, to the Soviet Union. The State Department hoped that the attack might lead the Soviets to urge the Chinese to accept an armistice in the peace negotiations at Panmunjom.
In September, the heaviest ground activity centered in the sector of the Second Corps of South Korean army with intense seesaw fighting, but effected little change in the frontlines.
Between the 6th day and the 15th of October, the Chinese ground forces assaulted chiefly in the western IX Corps area northwest of Chorwon in a vain attempt to improve their position before the onslaught of winter. In mid-October, the Eighth Army launched an offensive to seize critical high ground in eastern IX Corps area northeast of Kumhwa. But it became a seesaw contest to retain domination terrain.
On the 8th of October, truce talks at Panmunjom recessed over the issue of forced repatriation of the prisoners of war. The United Nations delegates proposed allowing the prisoners of war from opposite sides to choose repatriation or not, but the Chinese and North Korean delegates insisted that all prisoners of war be repatriated.
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文章时间: 2020-3-16 周一, 下午8:59    标题: 引用回复

On the 16th of October, 1952, North Korea sent a strongly worded protest to the Far East Command concerning the recess in armistice negotiations, but they continued to insist on total repatriation of both Chinese and North Korean prisoners of war. At the end of this month they presented a new prisoners-of-war camp list. In Geneva, the League of Red Cross Societies recommended that the combatants exchange sick and wounded prisoners of war before the cease-fire.
On the 22nd of January in 1953, Beijing radio announced the capture of Colonel Arnold, pilot of a B-29 who was shot down on January 13. But the Chinese government refused to release him even during the repatriation of war prisoners. He was released in 1956.
On the 22nd of February, in a letter to Kim Il Sung, Premier of North Korea government and Marshal Peng Dehuai, Chinese commander in North Korea, the United Nations command stated its readiness to immediately repatriate those seriously ill and wounded prisoners of war who were fit to travel, and asked whether the North Korea and Chinese leaders were prepared to do the same.
During the first half of March, the Chinese army attacked in company-sized waves in several areas, particularly along the central front in the Kumhwa and Kumsong regions. Later, sometimes, they attacked by the regiment in the central and western sectors. Then US Intelligence found the military strength of the Chinese army growing, with from one to three Chinese divisions en route to or entering the Korean peninsula. The buildup indicated a possible offensive to seize as much territory as possible before the armistice.
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文章时间: 2020-3-18 周三, 下午8:27    标题: 引用回复

On March 21, North Korean truce negotiators expressed their willingness to observe the provisions of the Geneva Convention and exchange sick and wounded prisoners. At the same time they hinted that the exchange might lead to a resolution of other issues that had hindered the armistice so far.
On March 30, Zhou Enlai, the foreign minister of China, suggested that prisoners of war not desiring repatriation might be placed in the temporary custody of a neutral nation until negotiations determined their final status. Before his proposal, they had insisted on repatriating all the prisoners of war. Their new flexibility on this issue provided an opportunity to resume truce negotiations.
On the 26th of April, after suspension for six months, armistice negotiations between the Chinese and North Korean delegation and the United Nations delegation reconvened in Panmunjom. Representatives of both sides negotiated details of the repatriation of prisoners of war. Then there followed the exchange of the seriously wounded and sick prisoners—6670 Chinese and North Koreans for 471 South Koreans, 149 Americans, and 64 other United Nations personnel, the count at that time.
US aircraft spread leaflets in North Korea, announcing that anyone who delivered a MiG or other jet aircraft to the United Nations forces in South Korea would receive political asylum, resettlement in a noncommunist country, anonymity, and $50,000. An additional $50,000 bounty would go to the first person to take advantage of this offer. In September 1953, after the cease-fire, a North Korean MiG-15 pilot flew his aircraft safely to Kimpo air base in South Korea.
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文章时间: 2020-3-20 周五, 下午9:04    标题: 引用回复

In the last week of May, the Chinese and North Korean troops made a major ground offensive against the United Nations positions on ridges dominating the US I Corps sector, about 10 miles northeast of Panmunjom. Meanwhile, the armistice negotiations faltered over disagreements regarding the repatriation of the prisoners of war. The Chinese and North Korean delegates wanted North Korean prisoners unwilling to return to their homelands to be detained indefinitely, in effect punishing them for their decision. The United Nations delegates wanted to release all prisoners to civilian status on the day the armistice became effective. To let the Chinese and North Koreans know that the continuance of the war would incur additional political and economic costs, the US Air Force attacked targets in North Korea that had been untouched previously. They bombed irrigation dams, whose destruction would, besides interrupting food production, disrupt further preparations for a ground offensive on the part of the Chinese and North Korean army by flooding the rails and road networks.
By mid-June, both sides had agreed to establish a Neutral Nations Repatriation committee. The final session of armistice negotiations at Panmunjom convened. After meeting for one day, the top negotiators agreed to adjourn while technical experts worked out the cease-fire details.
At 10:00AM on July 27, 1953, the armistice agreement was signed to produce the cease-fire in the Korean War between the United Nations forces, South Korea, and the Chinese People’s Volunteers, North Korea. In accordance with the armistice agreement, in August, the prisoners of war were exchanged in Operation Big Switch—77,000 Chinese and North Korean army prisoners of war, for 12,700 prisoners from the United Nations and South Korean army, including 3,597 Americans, the final count. (The above data was taken from the US government booklet entitled “The USAF in Korea”.)
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文章时间: 2020-3-22 周日, 下午9:02    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 10. The 3 Anti-’s and 5 Anti-’s Movements

The 3 Anti-’s Movement

In November 1951, two party secretaries in Tianjin were caught embezzling funds. Therefore, on December 1, 1951, the Central Committee of the Communist Party launched the cost-saving movement which was literally called “Three Anti-’s”: anti-embezzlement, anti-waste, and anti-bureaucratism. This movement was targeted at cadres of the government and government-run enterprises; the ones who had power. Mao wanted to clip their wings. At that time, there were 3,830,000 government cadres. They would be examined through this movement.
The cadres could be divided into three categories. The first were those who had gone through the Sino–Japanese War and the second civil war, who should be dependable. The second category included those newly employed after the establishment of the new republic. The third group were those having worked in the former government, who were undependable, of course. Those who were guilty of the crime of embezzlement were called “tigers.” Through this movement, the Communist Party wanted to “catch big tigers” so that there would not be any embezzlement in the government any more. Anyone who embezzled 10,000 yuan was defined as a big tiger and would be executed. In China, political movements were often carried out with violence. So many targeted persons committed suicide, even though they were cadres.
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文章时间: 2020-3-23 周一, 下午8:57    标题: 引用回复

The 5 Anti-’s Movement

Right in the wake of the three Anti-’s movement, another program was launched, which was literally called “Five Anti-’s”: anti-bribery, anti-tax-evasion, anti-jerry-rigging, anti-stealing-government-property, and anti-theft-of-government-economic-information. The target of this movement was all the national capitalists; the ones who had money. In feudal societies like Imperial China, the emperor considered that everything on the land he ruled over was his own, and everyone on this land essentially worked for him. Verbally, Mao declared himself as a Marxist-Leninist, but his actions often made him look like the “communist emperor of the Red Dynasty.” His actions showed people what he thought; he didn’t put it in plain words. And given the low level of development and widespread poverty in China, the Communists under Mao sought to cover the basic necessities of life for everyone; and that didn’t leave much extra. All excesses would be confiscated.
On the 26th of January, 1952, the Central Committee of the Communist Party issued instructions for the Five-Anti-’s movement. In early February, it started in all the big cities, aiming at businessmen. The Party defined them as capitalists. The Party divided Chinese capitalists into two types: bureaucratic capitalists like Chiang Kai-shek, Soong Tse-ven, K’ung Hsiang-hsi, and the Chen brothers, who were very wealthy and were called the four big capitalist families. All the property they left on the mainland was confiscated. All others were defined as national capitalists, and their properties remained with them for the time being. Now they were the target of the five anti-’s movement.
The local governments organized so-called work teams consisting of cadres, workers and shop assistants. Violence was part of every movement. Some capitalists were beaten or slapped in their faces. Capitalists were forced to confess what they had failed to do so far in these five categories. This was called ‘face to face fight.’ Quite a few capitalists committed suicide. Then the government changed from face-to-face fight to a back-to-back tactic. Workers or shop assistants just revealed the crimes of their bosses, behind their backs, so that no retaliation could be inflicted.
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文章时间: 2020-3-25 周三, 下午9:13    标题: 引用回复

Statistics showed that during these two movements, in the whole country, 184,270 persons were arrested, 119,355 party members expelled, and 133,760 people were killed or disabled, including those committing suicide or beaten to death, or tortured to death in jails and labor reform camps. Those who committed suicide were mostly capitalists. The means of suicide were various. In some secluded corners of public parks, people were found hanging from big trees. Then, patrols increased to prevent hangings in such places. The most popular method of suicide was to jump from high buildings. It was the easiest way, and hard to prevent. But it was dangerous for pedestrians. A person who jumped from a height could possibly fall on the head of a pedestrian and the pedestrian could be killed, while the one jumping survived. Someone actually did some research to see why people in Shanghai did not jump into the Wangpu River. The answer was that if anyone jumped into the river, he could possibly be saved; besides, if he was not saved his body would be washed out to sea. When his body was not found, the government would suspect him of escaping outside the country and his family would get into trouble. So he had to leave his body to be found. Generally a suicide would leave a note, in which he first criticized himself for whatever crime he had been accused of, then he praised the government so that his family would be treated a little better than otherwise. Poor Chinese people! Even suicide was fraught with difficulties.
Both of the “Anti” movements ended in October 1952.
At the end of the 5 Anti-’s movement, the government determined that every national capitalist had at least committed the crime of tax-evasion and would have to pay a big fine to the government. So all the capitalists had to sell personal belongings like cars, jewelry, or even houses, if they did not have enough cash in the bank. That was the first financial blow to the national capitalists. Another financial blow would soon follow.
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文章时间: 2020-3-27 周五, 下午9:19    标题: 引用回复

Mao’s Own Lifestyle

Mao wanted government officials to save money and he took money out of the pockets of the well-to-do. Thus his own spending raised a lot of questions in some people’s minds. He could spend as much as he saw fit. He ordered many villas to be built for his own use only. They were needed, apparently, to provide the best protection and comfort for him. He had over 50 villas in the country, 5 in Beijing alone. The villas were all similarly built: looking like a big cement warehouse from outside, but one that could protect him even from an atom bomb. Every villa, or bunker, was only one storey tall, but they were located in beautiful settings, some with lakes. The whole surroundings were enclosed. In the vicinity of every villa, a transportation network was built, such as a military airport, a train line, and a tunnel for cars. Wherever Mao went, the three means of transportation followed him. When he rode in his personal airplane, the airspace would be cleared while his plane flew past. When he rode in his personal train, other trains had to stop while his train went past.
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文章时间: 2020-3-29 周日, 下午8:52    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 11. The So-Called Gao Gang & Rao Shushi Anti-Party Event

Mao was familiar with Chinese political history. When certain new dynasties began, the first emperors of those dynasties would find fault with some of their faithful supporters who were deemed by those emperors to be potential threats to their future as rulers. Therefore, those supporters were killed or imprisoned for whatever possible crimes could be attributed to them. So was the case with Gao Gang and Rao Shushi.
Gao (1905–1954) came from a poor peasant family in Shaanxi province. In January, 1927, he entered the Yat-sen Military Academy in XiAn and joined the Communist Party in February. In 1933, he was the political commissar of the 42nd division of the Red 26th army. In the Communist Army system, a political commissar was the representative of the Communist Party in the army, a little higher in rank than the division commander. Then he was appointed director of the political department in the Red 15th corps. But in 1935, he was imprisoned as a reactionary and was about to be executed. Just at that time, Mao and Zhou Enlai reached the northern Shaanxi province, with the central Red Army. Mao ordered Gao to be released and Gao was so grateful to Mao he became Mao’s faithful supporter ever after. So in the 7th conference of the Communist Party, he became a member of the Central Political Bureau (equivalent to the executive department of the Central Committee) and the secretary of the northwest bureau. (All over the country, the Communist Party set up six bureaus. Every bureau rules over several provinces.)
After Japan surrendered, the Communist Party intended to occupy the northeastern provinces and set up a northeast bureau. Gao was appointed the secretary to take charge of everything in that region. In 1946, Lin Biao was sent up to the northeastern provinces as the commander of the 4th field army and he worked with Gao in a cooperative relationship. Often they both had the same view. After the new republic was established, Gao was the vice chairman of the central people’s government, the vice chairman of the people’s revolutionary military committee, and also the chairman of the people’s government in the northeastern area. After the Korean War broke out, though Gao disagreed on sending the Chinese army into Korea, he still gave full support in supplying whatever the army needed there. So Marshal Peng Dehuai praised him for that. Gao was also the chairman of the national planning committee—clearly, a very capable man.
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文章时间: 2020-3-30 周一, 下午9:28    标题: 引用回复

Rao Shushi (1903–1975) was born in Jiangxi province. He joined the Communist Party in 1925. Then he was made the secretary of the party caucus of the Federation of Labor Unions of Shanghai and the secretary of the party caucus of the Chinese National General Labor Union. During the Anti-Japanese War, he was the political commissar of the new 4th army. During the second civil war, he was the political commissar of the 3rd field army and the secretary of the east China bureau of the Communist Party. When the new republic was founded, he was the chairman of the east China military and political committee, the first secretary of the east China bureau, and then the minister of the organization department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Also an intelligent, qualified leader.
Gao’s and Rao’s paths in life had never crossed each other; they were in different regions entirely. But they were both accused of the crime of being anti-Party together. Anyway, why were they not accused of being anti-Party separately? It was understood that no man could act against the Communist Party of China, only a clique could try that. And you need at least two powerful persons to form a clique (the same held true during the Cultural Revolution, when Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were put together as the powerful men accused of following the capitalist road).
In accordance with the official statement of the Communist Party, the main accusations against Gao were: criticizing mistakes and errors in the national economic field, namely decisions concerning Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai, members of the Secretariat of the CPC (Communist Party of China) Central Committee in charge of that field. From the same source, Gao was understood to have further slandered them by saying that Liu and Zhou Enlai had cliques in the Central Committee. Gao and Rao were alleged to have spread a rumor that An Ziwen, the vice minister of the organization department of the CPC Central Committee, had put up a list of the members of the CPC political bureau, at the instruction of Liu. (That meant that Liu privately let An make such a list behind the back of Mao.) Then Gao left Beijing on a vacation to see Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and Lin Biao separately and tried to persuade them to support him. What would his purpose have been? The official statement alleged that Gao wanted to replace Liu in his higher political position. But why would Rao work with Gao? What could Rao get from it? The official statement said that Rao wanted to acquire the power to appoint and promote the cadres. But at that time Rao was already the minister of the organization department of the CPC Central Committee and already had that power.
In 1951, Gao thought of publishing an article he had written as an editorial in the Northeast Daily, but rather than take it upon himself to do so of his own accord, he handed in the article for Mao to read and give his approval first. Think of that. Historians surmise that Mao did want to get rid of Liu, which he did in the Cultural Revolution, but at that time, the conditions were not yet ripe. Conceivably Gao got the wind of it and acted earlier than Mao planned. Mao had to get rid of him lest his cat got out of the bag.
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文章时间: 2020-4-03 周五, 下午9:17    标题: 引用回复

Another surmise, which came from Khrushchev’s memoirs, was that Gao had sent information to the Soviet Union about things that were going on in the Communist Party of China and what the leaders said. The Soviet Union had provided China with old, rebuilt tanks, and some such things, and the Chinese leaders were dissatisfied. Those leaders included Liu and Zhou. Gao did not mention Mao. To secure Mao’s trust and friendship, Stalin gave Mao the information he had received from Gao. Therefore, Mao wanted to get rid of Gao (but why was Rao included?) and made arrangements with Liu and Zhou. Mao gave Gao the false impression that he wanted to rid Liu, or even hinted that Gao should do something about it. Gao, thinking that he had Mao’s support, fell into the snare Mao set up for him. Gao was then taken into custody. He attempted a suicide in April 1954, but in vain. He made another suicide attempt in August and died this time. Rao was apprehended on April 1, 1955, and sentenced to 14 years. After 10 years he was out of the jail, but was put back in again during the Cultural Revolution and died on March 2, 1975.
It was said that Rao was arrested due to his involvement in another case. During the movement to arrest and kill the reactionaries, Yang Fan, the chief of the police station of Shanghai, thought of a method to use reactionaries to reveal hidden reactionaries. In the process, he did not punish those he utilized and so he was accused of protecting reactionaries—more than 3,300 in number. This involved Rao. Moreover, Pan Hannian, a vice mayor of Shanghai in charge of police affairs, feared that since he had worked with Rao and Yang Fan, he would have to confess his side of the story to the Party so that he might ride out the crisis. He confessed that in the summer of 1943, he went to Shanghai from where the new 4th army was encamped to meet Li Shiqun, a traitor to Japan, and he was kidnapped and taken to Nanking to see Wang Jingwei. Although he did not betray the Communist Party, when he was back at the camp he did not report to the Party what had happened. Now he confessed it and was arrested. Then Rao Shushi, Pan Hannian and Yang Fan were defined as an anti-Party clique. This clique was separate from the Gao Gang clique.
After the Cultural Revolution, some cases were re-opened and examined. Pan was sent by the Party to contact the traitor Li to get information. So his case was redressed, and also the case of Yang Fan. Now what about Gao’s and Rao’s “anti-Party” activities? When Gao had sought Deng Xiaoping’s support against Liu Shaoqi, Deng reported to Mao, and Gao was imprisoned. If Gao’s case was wrong, it shows that Mao’s decision to confine Gao was wrong and Deng’s report to Mao was also wrong. After the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping was in power and he would never own that he had done anything wrong, to save face. So the case was not redressed.
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文章时间: 2020-4-03 周五, 下午9:19    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 12. China’s First Five-Year Plan (1953–57)

Agricultural Collectivization and Peasant Cooperatives

As the basis for their ambitious economic planning, the CPC held China’s first modern census in 1952. The mainland population was estimated at over half a billion—that’s a lot of mouths to feed. The first step toward improving efficiency and productivity involved land reforms.
During the land reform movement, first the arable land was taken from wealthy individuals and distributed to individual peasants and their families. But then the Communist Party called upon peasants to join productive cooperatives, on a “voluntary” basis but with invisible political pressure behind it. Once they joined the cooperative, peasants lost control of their land, which automatically belonged to the cooperative. The cooperative would decide what crops to grow and when harvests were sold, peasants got a certain percentage of income according to the quantity of the land a peasant put in. When a peasant had his land under his own control, he could decide what to grow and what part of the harvest he would keep for his own use, and the rest he would sell in the market.
By the end of 1952, the first 3,600 cooperatives were operating on a trial basis. On the 16th of December, 1953, the Central Committee of the CPC passed a bill to speed up the development of agricultural productive cooperatives. From 1954 to the first half of 1955, cooperatives sprang up all over the country. In spring of 1954, there were already 95,000 cooperatives, which meant that 1,700,000 families had joined them. In autumn of the same year, the cooperatives had increased to more than 225,000. On May 17, 1955, at Mao’s proposal, the Central Committee of the CPC decided to expand the cooperatives to one million in 1956. By July of 1955, the cooperatives reached the number of 650,000 and by the end of 1956, 96.3% of peasant families had joined the cooperatives.
That was the essential change of the agricultural productive style from individual to collective. This process roughly coincided with the consolidation of America’s private farms into a large-scale industrial agro business which was carried out by capitalist means involving loans and debt, price manipulation and other methods. Different means to pursue the same end, although not with the same results.
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文章时间: 2020-4-04 周六, 下午9:01    标题: 引用回复

Private Businesses Become State Property

The economical ideal of the Communist Party was that there should be no private businesses in a so-called socialist country. Private businesses were the typical symbol of the capitalist system. So at the end of 1955, Chen Yun, in charge of the national economy, declared a reform of private businesses over the next two years. Then Peng Zhen, the mayor of Beijing, proposed to finish the reform in 1956 in Beijing. In January of 1956, in just a few days, Beijing completed the reform. Mao pushed it by visiting a textile factory owned by Rong Yiren, the biggest national capitalist in China at the time, on the 10th of January. Rong offered to turn over his factories to government ownership on the 20th. Others followed suit, in all cities where there were private businesses.
The carefully-formulated process was that the private business owner must send in an application begging the communist government to take over his business. Accordingly the government would approve his application. This was like a traveler offering his belongings to an outlaw and begging him to take them. The outlaw was only willing to accept the offer for mercy’s sake, as if the belongings were so heavy they would break the traveler’s back if he carried them any longer. The outlaw was only relieving him of a burden.
Anyway, in Beijing, on the 15th of January, 1956, there was a celebration on TianAnMen Square where 200,000 people gathered to celebrate the completion of the takeover of private businesses by the government. The takeover was called a “purchasing policy,” which meant that the government bought these private businesses from the private owners and paid them a certain amount of money called “fixed interests,” which would be paid off at the annual rate of 5% of the value of these private businesses. The government decided what was the value of a factory or a store, and the owner had no right to bargain. As a rule, the government should have paid the owner for 20 years at the rate of 5%, but no, the government promised to pay only for 7 years. And at the end of the 7 years it would make a further decision to see whether it would continue to pay or not. Anyway, this sounded better than outright expropriation.
This was the second financial blow to the national capitalists, leaving them only their personal belongings like jewelry and antiques, if they had any left after paying fines. But the final financial blow was coming soon.
The payment of fixed interests might last for 3 years more, which meant the government only paid for 10 years out of the 20 years, only half of the value.
After these takeovers, the former owner would be given a position in the business (as a salesman or other worker). If he was accorded a position like manager, he was only holding the position in name, and had no say whatsoever in the decisions. The party secretary was the one to decide everything, even if he understood nothing about the business. Older owners just retired and lived on the fixed interests while the younger ones accepted their salary as well as the fixed interests.
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文章时间: 2020-4-10 周五, 下午10:59    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 13. So-Called Three Red Banners

The purpose of the slogan “Three Red Banners” was to help make China a strong and prosperous country in the shortest possible period by building “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” that is, by avoiding certain limitations built into other nations’ experiments with communist/socialist models.
Every dynasty in Chinese history favored a particular color. For the Qing Dynasty, yellow (or gold) symbolized the imperial authority. The Communist Party has always favored red. Initially that red was meant to symbolize the blood of martyred revolutionaries, but over time this image has been broadened in some people’s view to include the blood of those bystanders who became victims to the various campaigns through which regime change was accomplished.
Anyway, the “three red banners” meant the General Line (for socialist construction), the Great Leap Forward, and the People’s Commune.

The General Line

The General Line was “to keep up full energy, to fight your way upstream, and to build socialism quickly and thriftily, abundantly and well.” On October 11, 1955, Mao said at a meeting that the cooperatives must be developed abundantly, quickly and well. Then Li Fuchun (1900–1975), vice director of the plan committee and vice Premier of the state council, suggested adding “thriftily”, which was accepted. So on January 1, 1956, the People’s Daily ran an editorial urging the people to keep this theme in mind while carrying out the first five-year plan. In 1958, the People’s Daily New Year’s day editorial exhorted the populace to continue working with their full energy, to strive to get upstream. So the General Line was formed. In theory, it was a good mission statement (to use today’s terminology). But, in carrying it out, the Communist Party went astray and moved contrary to the reality of how processes unfold, and this was true as well in the so-called Great Leap forward and the People’s Commune movements.

The Great Leap Forward

On the 29th of June, 1957, an article was published with the signature of one Yu Jianhui, in which the slogan of “the Great Leap Forward” was first heard. In September, during the Third Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC, the decision was made to carry out the Great Leap Forward movement in agriculture. On the 13th of November, the editorial of the People’s Daily said, “Some people are infected with Right-deviationist conservatism and have crawled like snails. Since the agricultural collectivization has taken place, we have all the conditions and the necessities to make the Great Leap Forward on the productivity front.” On the 2nd of February, 1958, the slogan of an overall Great Leap Forward was emphasized more broadly.
In spring of 1958, major moves were made for the building of agricultural irrigation systems and for the collection of natural fertilizer on a large scale in the countryside. For irrigation construction, the labor force used reached 20 or 30 million workers in October, and 80 million in December. In January of 1958, it reached 100 million. Some provinces that produced mostly industrial goods guaranteed they would produce enough grain, meat and vegetables for the people in those provinces in that year. Formerly, these had been brought in from other provinces. This was considered the prelude to the Great Leap Forward. In the countryside the Great Leap Forward was linked with the people’s commune movement.
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The People’s Commune

Mao wanted to enlarge the cooperative commune into the so-called People’s Commune. On July 1, 1958, the first People’s Commune was established, merging 27 cooperatives, with 9,360 families involved, in Henan Province. Its official name was Chayashan Satellite People’s Commune. The commune was really a basic local government. It controlled almost everything in the district of the commune, from agricultural production to people’s daily life. It had public canteens—no more eating at home, as a family—kindergartens, clinics, shops, and its own armed forces (called militia) instead of police.
As peasants no longer had their own land and worked for the commune, for very low pay, their enthusiasm for work was essentially quenched. The Party admitted later that it was a mistake, a wrong policy. In order to increase productivity, in 1958, the professor and rocket scientist Qian Xuesen created a theory of “High Productivity,” on the basis of calculation only, without any practical investigation. He was not an agronomist nor a plant physiologist, but he wanted to fulfill Mao’s desire and invented a suitable theory. It was called “high productivity satellite.” When Mao learned of the theory, he gave instructions that all the communes should implement the theory. But the land could not yield as much as had been calculated theoretically. Therefore, false statistics were reported to the Party. From June to November, high production was reported thirty-nine times. The highest yield of wheat was 7,320 catties (about 24 tons) per acre, that of corn 117 tons per acre, and similarly exaggerated statistics for rice, sweet potato, etc. Possibly, Mao believed some of this; but people generally got the impression that everything said in the news was misleading. Simply lies.
As it was reported that the peasants had produced so much grain, Mao and other Party leaders worried about what to do with it all. Mao said the peasants could eat all they wanted, for free, and if the people could not consume so much, they would be able to give the surplus to foreign people.
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文章时间: 2020-4-13 周一, 下午9:26    标题: 引用回复

They also wanted people in cities to organize people’s communes. In every block, the resident committee had to have a canteen so that the residents could go there for meals, like in the countryside. But most of the city residents did not eat in the canteens. They still cooked at home. So the city people’s commune was a quick failure. Then Mao criticized himself, saying that he had listened to Qian as if he had no brains of his own. Even Tian Jiaying, his secretary, asked him how, coming from a peasant family himself, he could have believed that it was possible to produce such vast quantities of food per acre. It seems that Mao had no grasp of science or mathematics. Qian Xuesen actually did have plenty of brains. He was a US-educated rocket scientist who helped establish the Jet Propulsion Laboratory before being deported in 1955 as a Communist. He went on to build China’s own space program, from intercontinental ballistic missiles and satellites to putting a man in space in 2003.
Mao was in a hurry to bring to life “communist society” before his death. Mao forced the nation to implement his ideas even when they were ill-founded, and as a result, the whole nation sank into economical disaster. Things became scarce, especially food. People in cities were quickly put on rations and had to use their limited coupons to buy all the necessities such as rice, flour, meat, eggs, cloth, cooking oil, sugar, cigarettes, matches, yarn or thread, products based on bean curd, and even bathroom tissue. There were also ration coupons to buy cakes, biscuits, or anything made from rice or flour. If anyone went to a restaurant and ate rice or noodles, he had to give rice coupons besides paying money. The cashiers’ work was made a little more complicated, as they had to calculate the money as well as the coupons.
Ration coupons were distributed according to the number of persons in a family, and were given to the family every three months. At the beginning of every quarter, housewives waited in expectation of the distribution of coupons to buy everything they needed. Every family had two small booklets, one to buy rice or flour in grain stores (with a certain limit) if they wanted to cook rice or use flour in any kind of recipe at home, and the other used to buy coal to fuel the cooking ovens. The “Three Red Banners” ended in failure.
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文章时间: 2020-4-15 周三, 下午9:24    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 14. Soviet Experts Give Technical Assistance

Soviet Counselors and Experts Help China

The Communist Party was aware that China was very backward and had few technicians and scientists who could take the lead in economical development when they took over the country. Therefore, they asked the Soviet Union for help. In 1949, the Soviet Union sent Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan, member of the Bolshevik politburo, on a secret visit to Xibopo where the headquarters of the Liberation Army had moved in May 1948. Stalin wanted to know, first, what attitude the Communist Party of China would hold towards the Soviet Union. At the same time he talked about possible technical aid to China after the Communist Party of China expressed their willingness to accept Soviet leadership. At a meeting on February 1, Zhou Enlai requested the Soviet Union to send experts and equipment for weapons manufacture, and advisors to train troops and help to set up military academies.” Mikoyan could not give any answer but reported to Stalin, and asked the Communist Party of China send a delegation to the Soviet Union for further discussion. In June 1949, Liu Shaoqi headed a secret delegation to Moscow. In August, 220 Soviet financial advisors and engineers came to China with him. At that time in northern China, 1,300,000 out of 1,500,000 cadres were illiterate. So it was very important to have Soviet experts come in.
Besides sending Chinese cadres to the Soviet Union for training and practical experience, the Communist Party of China invited many Soviet experts to manage almost every department of the central government, from security, military, and intelligence, to gymnastics and hygiene. There were over 400 Soviet advisors in the central government, one third of all the advisors and experts in China. According to Soviet statistics, during 1951–1953, there were 1210 Soviet experts working in China. A report from the Communist Party of China revealed that Soviet experts helped to build 51 factories by April of 1953, and from 1953 to 1959, 91 factories were built. The Soviet experts assumed the duties of selecting sites for the factories, the design, and the supply of equipment. They instructed Chinese workers how to install the equipment and how to operate it and manufacture new products. In one report, Li Fuchun said, “Without the assistance of the Soviet Union, we would not have achieved such speed and scale in our construction in the first five-year plan. We would certainly have faced unimaginable difficulties.”
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The Soviets With Their Advisors and Experts

But in the Korean War, the Soviet Union sold China out-of-date and unusable weaponry. During 1950–1951, one fourth of the airplanes that were delivered to China were not flight-ready but needed repairs. So towards the end of the first five-year plan, the Communist Party adjusted its policy on the use of Soviet advisors and experts. At a meeting in Chengdu City, in March of 1958, Mao criticized the blind worship of Soviet experts and demanded that his people push back against dogmatism and slave-like thinking. This change in Mao’s attitude towards the Soviet Union was after the death of Stalin in 1953. Stalin was openly acknowledged as the leader of the Communist International movements. Although Mao thought highly of himself, he did not dare to challenge Stalin for the international leadership position. Since Stalin was gone, Mao had no great esteem for the new Soviet leader. He thought that he himself should replace Stalin as the leader of world Communism.
In August 1958, Khrushchev, the new head of the Soviet Union, visited Beijing and held talks with Mao. One might conclude from this visit that Mao thought he held a more important position in the communist world so that Khrushchev should come to Beijing to see him. If Stalin were still alive, it certainly would have been Mao who went to Moscow for any talks. Stalin would never have come to Beijing. Anyway, Mao and Khrushchev had different opinions about the need for Soviet advisors and experts. Mao could not tolerate having Soviet advisors intervene so deeply in China’s affairs and wanted to reduce their number, but he still needed the technical experts. So the number of the advisors and experts decreased year by year: 952 in 1957, 915 in 1958, 699 in 1959, and 410 in 1960.
The tension between the Communist Party of China and the Soviet Communist Party became open during the Bucharest conference in June 1960. Khrushchev and Peng Zhen, head of the Chinese delegation, had a quarrel. The Soviet Union accused China of violating their agreement to present a unified front, not displaying the difference in views between the two parties and the Chinese opposition to the common route supported by the communist world. Only Albania stood with China. After the conference, the Soviet Union withdrew all its advisors and experts from China, leaving many tasks unfinished. The notion of an unbreakable friendship between the Soviet Union and China was over.
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Chapter 15. The Anti-Rightist Movement

Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom

In April 1956, Mao gave a speech introducing the “Double-Hundred Policy,” the meaning of which was “To let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred (different) opinions be expressed.” Then the Minister for Propaganda, Lu Dingyi, made a speech explaining to all the intellectuals that they should go ahead and think independently. They would have freedom to debate and criticize, creative freedom, freedom of expression, and the right to their own opinions. It was so sweet to hear that many believed it; but only fools gave out their opinions boldly.
On May 1, 1957, the People’s Daily published “Instructions about the Rectification Movement,” which had been passed at the Central Committee of the Communist Party on April 27. The Party had decided to start a rectification movement within the Party to foster anti-bureaucratism, anti-sectarianism, and anti-subjectivism. The Party called upon people outside the Party, upon people the country over, to express their opinions, to criticize the Party and government, and to help the Party to rectify any shortcomings. The request sounded earnest. This was the sole movement that was aimed at improving the Party itself.
Many people in the country, especially the intellectuals, educated people (which included many of the capitalists, or propertied class), all those and other fools, did criticize the Party for their so many obvious wrongdoings. Even the newspapers followed suit. At that time, people thought that the Party was really being open-minded. It was a snare that many naive people fell for.
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The Reaction

Then the Anti-Rightist movement began. “Rightist” opinions generally included the common complaint of peasants that their life was worse than it was before and that the life of workers in the cities was better than that of peasants; and that the policy requiring peasants to sell a high quota of their harvest to the government forced peasants to starve. Other people demanded to cancel the political lessons in schools and universities; to have the freedom to move to other cities or from the countryside to the city; to have the freedom of speech and publication; to criticize wrong-doings in the previous movements; to criticize Chinese interference in the Korean War (meaning the money used in the war should be used instead to improve the life of their own people or for the construction of China); to criticize the Soviet Union for their soldiers who raped Chinese women in 1946 when they occupied the northeast after driving out the Japanese; to criticize one-party rule; to demand equal opportunity in the elections of government leaders (there were some so-called democratic parties in China); and many others.

Mao’s Anti-Rightist Movement

However, on June 8, the People’s Daily ran an editorial, “Why Is this?” on the first page. It mentioned the term “Rightists.” On June 12, Mao wrote an article, “Things Are Changing,” and circulated it within the Party. On the 14th , the People’s Daily published another editorial, “The Bourgeois Direction Taken by Wenhui Daily.” This editorial was rumored to have been written by Mao. It blamed the Wenhui Daily and the Brightness Daily, two newspapers managed by Party members, for their criticisms of the Party. Thus began the anti-rightist movement.
Mao was said to have commented that the rectification movement was just a trick to “lure snakes out of the hole.” Who were the snakes? Mao seemed to mean the rightists. Mao estimated that about five percent of the population in China were “rightists.” This was really the kind of subjectivism that was decried (taking one’s own view, and using it as the standard of measure), as Mao invented a fixed number of rightists without counting, even when the movement just began. The number should have been calculated only when the results came in. On the 15th of October, the Party issued another document, “Standards by which to Decide on Rightists.” There were six rules for determining who were rightists:
1. Anti-socialist system: people who opposed the basic economic policies of the Party and government; negating the achievements of the socialist revolution and construction; insisting on a capitalist viewpoint.
2. Opposing the proletarian dictatorship and democratic centralism, such as resisting the fight against imperialism; disagreeing with the foreign policy of the government; disagreeing with the five movements; opposing the execution of reactionaries; opposing the reform of capitalists and capitalist intellectuals; demanding to replace the laws and cultural education of socialism with those of capitalism.
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3. Opposing the leadership of the Communist Party in political life, and in the economy and culture; attacking the leading organizations and leaders of the Communist Party and the government for the purpose of opposing socialism and the Party, slandering the revolutionary activities of the Party.
4. Disrupting the social harmony for the purpose of opposing socialism and the Party, such as instigating people against the Party and the government; instigating friction between industrial workers and peasants; instigating discord among minorities; slandering the socialist camp; fomenting discord among peoples of different socialist countries.
5, Actively organizing and joining cliques against socialism and the Party, such as plotting to overthrow the leadership of the Party anywhere; instigating riots against the Party and government.
6. Aiding, advising, passing information to those who committed the above crimes.
There were 552,877 rightists found in China, out of the entire population of 642,380,000 in 1957. Important rightists included Zhang Bojun, head of the Brightness Daily newspaper, Chu Anping, chief editor of that newspaper, Luo Longji, head of the Wenhui Daily newspaper, and Pu Xixiu, chief editor of that newspaper. One of the rightists among the capitalists was Wang Kangnian, who insisted that if the government bought people’s land and property, they should pay fixed interests for twenty years, not seven years, as the rate was five percent. And this calculation was in line with earlier public declarations.
Actually, all the points raised by the “rightists” were proven correct as history played out. As for the fixed interests, at the end of the seven years, the Party decided to continue paying for another three years. Ten years altogether. Then the Cultural Revolution began and no one mentioned it any more. End of story.
What became of the rightists? Some lost their jobs and were forced to clean bathrooms. Their salaries were duly reduced to the level of a cleaner’s. Some were sent to labor reform camps. Hard labor, plus a great famine that took place later, killed many of them by hunger or disease.
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All the rightists were given a “rightist cap,” as it was called in the newspaper. It was actually an invisible cap, only recorded in their personal files. But the files followed them everywhere they went, so it was like having a cap always on one’s head. After 1985, some rightists were restored to full citizenship, but they were still called “uncapped rightists,” which meant that though their caps were removed, they were still deemed different from other people.
During the Cultural Revolution those people, capped or uncapped, were criticized and even beaten. In 1977, many false convictions were overturned, including rightist cases, almost twenty years after the Anti-Rightist Movement. By May of 1980, most of the rightist cases were rehabilitated, and they were no longer called “uncapped rightists.” About 97% of the rightist cases were judged to have been wrong. But 1978, after twenty years, only a little more than 100,000 of the 552,877 so-called rightists survived. Many victims had died.
On in November 2005, Shi Ruping, a retired professor from Shandong University, together with some other professors and their families, signed an open letter to the National People’s Congress and the State Council demanding that the Party make self-criticism and apologies to the intellectuals who had fallen victim to this political persecution, and give them reasonable and satisfactory compensations. In three months, they garnered 1,500 supporters.
In 2007, on the 50th anniversary of the Anti-Rightist Movement, 61 survivors in Beijing signed an open letter demanding that the Party should openly declare the rehabilitation of the whole Anti-Rightist Movement, not just the individuals. But the Party declined to take any such steps.
Through this movement, Mao and the Party intended to quench all opposing voices and even to stifle dissent in people’s minds. Anyone who dared to say anything different from what the Party wanted them to say would get punishment. Mao was said to enjoy reading history books and learning strategies used by ancient military leaders and government officials: stratagems for seizing power, how to defeat political enemies, how to feint and lay military traps, how to appeal to people’s beliefs, or ego, diplomatic ploys and salesman’s techniques. If he couldn’t calculate a harvest, he certainly knew how to calculate to win.
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文章时间: 2020-4-26 周日, 下午9:34    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 16. Mao’s Goal to Overtake England in 15 Years

Barely had the Anti-Rightist Movement been victoriously completed, in November 1957, when Mao put forward another idea: that China must overtake Great Britain in 15 years. Well, he was referring specifically to iron and steel output and certain other major products. Mao headed a delegation to the Moscow to attend the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s October Revolution. Then he attended conference with representatives of 64 communist parties and worker’s parties from all over the world. Mao announced that since the Soviet Union could overtake the US in 15 years, China could overtake Great Britain in 15 years, too.
At that time England’s annual steel production was 20 million tons. In 15 years, it might reach 30 million tons. So his aim was to reach 40 million tons in steel production in 15 years. From the estimation in an official document on the speed of the steel productivity in China, the result would be that the steel production could reach 12 million tons in 1959, 30 million tons in 1962, 70 million tons in 1967, and 120 million tons in 1972. This sounds like the same kind of estimates that drove the agricultural policy, but the party leaders thought that their aim could be achieved in 3 or 5 years, no need for 15 years. To find new sources of iron ore, local party secretaries led people in their areas into the mountains, even elementary school pupils and the elderly, people in their 70s and 80s, joined in the action. Peasants left their work in the fields and abandoned the harvests to participate in the search for ore deposits. In Henan province, 50% of the grain was left unharvested and rotted in the fields.
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