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[原创] Two Republics in China
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Aust Winner 澳洲长风论坛总目录 -> Multi Languages Section 双语作品、西方文学
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海外逸士

会员等级:7




加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
来自: America
积分: 10684


文章时间: 2020-6-10 周三, 下午9:55    标题: 引用回复

Supposing, under the most serious riotous circumstances, if Chiang Kai-shek sent his army to land on the mainland, the rebellious groups, who failed in power-seizing actions, would probably go to Chiang Kai-shek's army for support. Even Party members would do so for their own interests. Don't think that Party members are always loyal to the Party. Many Party members are opportunists. They join in the Party for benefits or for the hope of becoming a cadre. A cadre would surely get benefits easily. And look at the facts that many upright Party members are imprisoned for their criticisms of the Party. Zhang Zhixin, a woman Party member, was killed by the Gang of Four for criticizing the wrong-doings of the Party. For fear that she might shout out something unfavorable to the them, her throat was cut when she was taken to the execution site and killed. No government will do so except the communist government in China. A brutal deed.
But no gun fight happened in Shanghai. The army there was under strict control. The largest event was the fight in Shanghai Diesel Engine Factory, which was located in the northeast part of Shanghai and had 10,000 people working in it. At the beginning of the rebellious period, there were two groups in the factory: one called the East Red group consisting of Party members and cadres, and the other called United Headquarters group consisting of workers and other staff. At first, United Headquarters group seized power and was in the leadership of the factory, since majority of workers joined this group, but East Red group wanted to take over the leadership as they thought themselves to be the Party members and cadres and should be the leaders of the factory. Then fight began between the two groups. When Wang Hongwen became a leader of Shanghai, he supported the East Red group as he was also a Part member and a cadre. United Headquarters group rejected to give up the leadership.
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加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
来自: America
积分: 10684


文章时间: 2020-6-12 周五, 下午9:12    标题: 引用回复

On the 4th day of August, 1967, Wang Hongwen sent 10,000 people to attack the United Headquarters group in the factory, and the vanguards were the trained firefighters. He did not dare to send army or police force there. The United Headquarters group defended the factory with only 3,000 people. The weapons both sides used were mainly axes and steel bars. The defenders also used some glass bottles containing materials easily catching fire and big nuts to shoot from giant rubber bands.
Wang Hongwen acted as the commander and 10,000 people surrounded the factory. Finally the attackers used crawler crane to knock down the gate and rushed in. Every man captive got a good beating. Thousands of captives with blood all over walked between the attackers, singing the Internationale, into prison vans. Those who were injured seriously and could not walk were thrown into vans. The women were treated a little better. The next day, the members who had not been in the factory that day were arrested one by one. During the fight, thousands of people were hurt on both sides altogether. No one died, as no guns were used.
In all those days of power transferring, Big Word Paper, posted all over the walls and shop windows in the streets, revealing all the information most people generally did not know, information about the behavior and activities of the central leaders, which were national secrets before, about how a leader staying in a special hospital for minor health problem had raped a young nurse. Such wrong-doings were deemed nothing as long as he stood on Mao's side politically. If he was against Mao, this would be one of his crimes. If a high-ranked cadre killed a common person, he might be removed from his office. If a common person killed another common person, he would be sentenced to death. Life paid for life. But for a high-ranked cadre, only his rank paid for death of another.
Many jobless men also organized some rebellious groups and went to the Street Committee. They did not seize power from authorities there. They just waited there and if any factory or store or anywhere sent in a notice to hire someone, one of them would put in his own name and use the seal to stamp on the paper. He took the paper and went to, say, the factory to work. He at last got a job this way. The authorities there did not dare to prevent him, afraid that all jobless people would get angry and beat them.
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加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
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文章时间: 2020-6-14 周日, 下午8:50    标题: 引用回复

Since universities did not enroll students from high schools, the high school graduates must be given jobs. However, there was no vacancy anywhere, and so it was impossible for them to have jobs. Then the Communist Party thought of a way to dispose of them. The high school students graduated in 1968 and 1969 must go to the countryside to be re-educated by peasants. It sounded so funny. From the theory of the Chinese communist party that the illiterate peasantry represented the backward productivity and had the backward thinking, how could such peasantry re-educate the high school students who had at least had 12 years of education? Ridiculous. It should be that the communist party wanted to throw the students who could not be given jobs in cities to the countryside to make them maintain their lives at the lowest level of living standards so that the government could save a lot from them.
How did those students fare in the countryside? They must work and live with peasant families. Life was hard in the countryside in that time in China. Some students who could not have enough to eat would steal something from peasants. If they were caught, they got a good beating. Some students who had families with money saved in banks got food parcels from time to time from families. If one of them could give gifts to leaders, he would become their favorite and got better treatment. City girls looked much better than village girls. So the sons of village leaders loved to marry city girls in the village by luring them with personal benefits or even by force. Some girls who could not bear the hard life there married the sons of the leaders and lived better.
But a few years afterwards, the communist party had a policy that the students thrown into the countryside could return to cities where they came from on certain conditions like they must still be single or have some sicknesses. Therefore, some girls having married the leaders' sons got divorces and went back to their parents. Sometimes two students married each other. Now under such policy, they had to divorce first and applied to return to cities separately; then got married again in the city if they still loved each other, or married someone else respectively.
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加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
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文章时间: 2020-6-15 周一, 下午8:08    标题: 引用回复

VII. Why did Lin Biao's betrayal of Mao happen?
 
1) Background of the “9.13” event
On the 8th day of March, 1970, Mao made a decision and informed all other leaders that China should no longer set the position of the National Chairman (as vs the Party Chairman as Mao had the position at the time). He also declared that he would not take the position of the national chairman in the future. Why did he make such a decision? It was said that since he had given up such a position and let Liu Shaoqi have it when he had brought China into an economically bad situation, if he took it again when Liu was driven out of it, he would lose face like a child who had given a toy to someone and then take it back when after a quarrel. People would think that he had not willingly, but forced to resign the position as the national chairman, and now when the position was vacant, he would take it again. In the idea of Chinese people, it looked ridiculous for anyone to do so. Mao would never do it to lose face. A typical Chinese idea. Therefore, he thought that it was not suitable for anyone else to take this position, except for himself in the present condition. Besides, he feared that anyone else taking this position would surely get part of power from him just like Liu Shaoqi had done before. He would never have such a threat like a time bomb by his side. So the best way to elude it was not to set such a position any more in the constitution. He even suggested to revise the constitution about this point.
The national chairman was deemed as the head of the nation. Theoretically, a nation could have no head to represent it in the world, but in reality, on certain occasions, there should be a head of the nation to receive foreign VIPs or attend some international ceremonies. A party chairman could not do the duties of the national chairman. Therefore, Lin Biao, the vice party chairman at the time, and other party leaders thought that China must have the national chairman. That was why Lin made the proposal to keep the position of the national chairman. Mao thought that Lin wanted to take this position, though Lin manifested that he would never take this position and even proposed that Mao resumed it. He did not know why Mao rejected the position.
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加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
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文章时间: 2020-6-16 周二, 下午9:10    标题: 引用回复

2) Different opinions for that matter became open at a meeting on Mt. Lu

In the afternoon on the 23rd day of August, 1970, the second session of the ninth party conference started on Mt. Lu. Three items were to be discussed for final decisions. First was to revise the constitution. Second was to make national economical plan. Third was to make preparations for battles, because at that time the crisis of territory occupation between the Soviet Union and China arose with potential warfare in the north frontier.
The most severe debate happened in whether there should be the revision of the constitution to abolish the position of the national chairman. Many representatives supported Lin for his opinion to ask Mao to be the national chairman, and also proposed Lin as the vice national chairman, which Mao did not like. Mao did not want Lin to have more power as he had already had as the vice party chairman, though Lin showed no desire to usurp Mao's power. He was lawfully decided the successor of Mao.
Lin had quite a few followers in the army as he had been the commander of the 4th field army in the second civil war. Four of his followers in the army supported him on the meeting and also his wife. Mao determined that anyone who was in favor of the idea to keep the position of the national chairman was wrong and must have self-criticisms. So the four followers and Lin's wife had to criticize themselves, but not to Mao's satisfaction. Mao thought that Lin was behind all this and Lin should make self-criticism, too. However, Lin thought that he was not wrong in the proposal of Mao to be the national chairman. He had declared that he would not be the vice national chairman even if Mao was elected the national chairman.
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文章时间: 2020-6-17 周三, 下午9:07    标题: 引用回复

3) How Mao pushed Lin Biao into a deadly snare

After the meeting, Mao wanted to get rid of Lin Biao as he had got rid of Liu Shaoqi. Anyone who had different opinions from him, he could not endure like ancient emperors to their courtiers. He needed absolute obedience. So he traveled outside Beijing again to make preparations, just like he had done so before his riddance of Liu. He went to talk to the army commanders in several major provinces about Lin's intention to be the national chairman, which was an action of anti-party since Mao thought himself to be the representative of the party and anyone against him was against the party. This was the traditional thinking of ancient emperors: “The state, it's me!” Mao demanded the absolute loyalty to him from those commanders. The trick lay there: he warned them to keep the talk as a secret. But secretly he let the talk leak out and let Lin Biao and his family get wind of it. Mao reckoned that if Lin was patient enough to wait for Mao's next step without any rash action, his wife and son were young and inexperienced and must take some drastic means to fall into his snare.
The official record of CPC said that Lin's son had organized a secret assassinating group, called “United fleet”, to murder Mao. But another article said that at first he organized it to deal with Wu Faxian, the command-in-chief of the air force, because Wu declared his loyalty to Lin Biao while he also declared loyalty to Jiang Qing, a typical two-faced man. But when he got the news having leaked out secretly that Mao wanted to get rid of his father, he plotted to use the United Fleet to kill Mao by using antiaircraft guns to level at the train Mao rode in from Hangzhou to Beijing, without the knowledge of Lin himself. (It was so said to all the Chinese people after the crash of Lin's plane.) But Mao made a false move, somehow, as the party told Chinese people in their official record, and safely arrived in Beijing. However, people doubted if there really had been a plan to murder Mao. As there really nothing happened to Mao, people could be in no way to know if this was the fact or just what CPC invented to tell people as the pretense to plot Lin's death since CPC always made up “facts” as they desired. Anyway, it was said in the official report to people that when their plot failed, Lin's wife and the son wanted to escape first to Canton to set up another central government against Moa's Beijing government. People was so told. On the 13th of September, 1971, Lin's wife dragged Lin out of bed and pushed him into a car to drive to a military airport, and when they boarded a military plane with the son and some followers, they were told that the gas in the tank was not enough to fly to Canton, and so they changed their plan to fly to Russia as Lin had been in Russia for treatment of his illness. (It is also on the official record.)
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加入时间: 2005/11/08
文章: 1942
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文章时间: 2020-6-19 周五, 下午9:05    标题: 引用回复

Then the Party told all nation that an event happened that Lin, his wife and his son died in the plane that crashed in Mongolian Republic. How could a leader's plane so easily crash? The explanation was not so satisfactory. Then a rumor was in circulation that the plane was downed by a missile from the inner Mongolian area just as the plane was crossing the border into Mongolian Republic. The commander of the army stationed there was General You Taizhong at that time. In communist China, rumors are always based on facts, as facts are always covered up. The saying “Rumors have short legs” is not fit to use in communist China. Facts have to be circulated in the form of rumors. Or the Party declares the fact as a rumor as they cannot deny the fact some other way. A new idiom was invented: “Rumor ends in transparency.” If the facts are shown in a glass house for everyone to see, who will make up a rumor and circulate it? In details, a rumor may be a little different from the truth, but very close basically. So if Lin's plane was not downed by a missile, the crash must be a schemed one.
Many years later, Zhang Ning, the girlfriend of Lin's son, wrote a book narrating the event. She was with Lin family when the event took place. According to her, readers can draw such a conclusion that Lin's death was a trap set up by Mao and Zhou Enlai, the premier. Mao had talks with some concerned leaders of local governments and warned them to keep it a top secret, but he let someone leak it to Lin's wife and son, as Lin was sick in bed. The secret leaking out was made to sound like Mao wanted to have Lin arrested or even killed. Lin's wife and son fell in panic and wanted to escape. They dragged Lin out of the house and pushed him into the car. The chief guard Li, who was sent here by Zhou Enlai to guard Lin for his safety, got into the car first so that Lin's family members would naturally follow him in without a second thought. But when Lin family sat in the car, he jumped out. He shot at himself at his left arm so that he would be sent to a clinic for treatment. If he went with Lin family, he would die in the crash, too. He must have known the result and acted like that to shun the inevitable death. When Lin's car sped away, the soldiers guarding the place could easily stop it, but no one took any action. Lin family got to the military airport and climbed on the plane especially used for them. A few minutes after the plane rose into the air, it seemed that the plane wanted to re-land, but all lights in the airport were out and the runway was in dark. How could that happen? It seemed that all this was arranged beforehand. They had to fly north. The Party added that at first Lin wanted to fly to Canton to establish another government against Mao, but as there was not enough gas in the tank of the plane, he had to fly to Russia, taking the shortest route. As the plane crossed the borderline, it fell in the territory of Mongolian Republic. Although Chinese people had doubts about the whole thing, yet they did not care that Lin died. He supported Mao, or the cultural revolution would not happen. There is a Chinese saying going like that: when there are no more rabbits, the running dogs will be cooked. This was a typical example of Lin. It was said that Mao wanted to wipe out all the old cadres from the Long March and YanAn to make way for the Gang of Four, Jiang Qing, his wife, Wang Hongwen, the vice chairman of the party at that time, Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan. Later, Mao wanted to wipe Zhou Enlai out of power. His intention was so apparent, like the nose on the face.
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文章时间: 2020-6-22 周一, 下午9:16    标题: 引用回复

Recently a recording of the last five-minutes conversation in Lin's plane was discovered. The pilot Pan Jingyin didn't take his co-pilots, his navigator and radio operator. What was his intention? The recording revealed it. Originally, Lin family wanted to go to Canton. So pilot Pan began to fly south, but then he made a wide roundabout turn to north without anyone else on the plane knowing it. The following is what the recording exposed:
Lin's son asked, “What's the time now?”
Liu Peifeng, working under Lin's son, “2:27.”
Lin's son, “Where are we now?”
Liu, “I'll go to ask.” (It seems he's going into the cockpit.)
Liu, “Old Pan, where are we now?”
Pan, “We are over HuNan province.” (It's a province in the south.)
Liu, “How long will it be to Canton?”
Pan, “Another half an hour.”
Liu (sounds like speaking to Lin's son), “Old Pan said that we are over HuNan, and half an hour to Canton.”
(Suddenly a sound of explosion and the plane shook for a while.)
Lin's son, “What's the matter?” (It seems that they looked outside the plane window.”
Lin's son, “There's flame on the right wing. Old Pan!”
Pan, “Really? Could it be the enemy's missile?”
Lin's son, “What did you say? What enemy?”
No answer from Pan, and the plane is making a wide turn.
Ye Qun (Lin's wife going into the cockpit), “What's the matter?”
Lin's son, “Old Pan, you are turning round. Why do you want to turn round?”
No answer from Pan.
Ye Qun, “Where are we now?”
Still no answer from Pan.
Lin's son, “Speak, Old Pan.”
(The plane violently shook again.)
Pan to the microphone, “Director Wang, Director Wang, please answer!” (Almost crying.)
Yang ZhenGang, shouting from the entrance of the cockpit, “Pilot, who are you talking to?”
Still no answer from Pan.
Lin's son, “The explosion sounded like a time bomb. Someone wants to murder Lin.”
(The plane is going downwards.)
Pan, “Too bad, too bad!”
Liu, “What's the matter?”
Pan, “We are over Mongolia. Now flying back to our country.”
Liu, “Mongolia?”
Lin's son, “Mongolia?”
Pan, “Before taking off, Director Wang wants me to fly into Mongolia and then wait for his further command. But now, he cuts connection with me.” (Looks like Director Wang deserted him.)
Liu, “Why didn't you bring two co-pilots?”
Pan, “Director Wang said it's a special task. We don't need them.”
Lin's son, “How long have we been in Mongolia?”
Pan, “I don't know. Maybe, about 10 minutes.”
Ye Qun, “If we enter Mongolia, we'll be deemed as traitors.”
Lin's son, “If we die here, we'll be deemed traitors forever.” (It's what Mao and Zhou planned for them to make them look like traitors.)
Pan, “I am too stupid. Director Ye (addressing to Ye Qun), I've betrayed you all.”
(The plane is still going downwards.)
Pan to the microphone, “Technicians, shut all three engines.”
Pan, “The speed can't be decreased. The air brake doesn't work now. Maybe it already broken. The wings are out of control now.”
Lin's son, “Let's have forced landing.”
Pan, “It's out of control. Someone sabotaged the plane.”
Yang, “Pilot, I can't die. I have wife and children.”
Pan to the microphone, “The plane will soon land. Everyone back to the seat and buckle the safety belt. Take off your shoes. Let destiny decide our life or death.”
Pan, crying, “Vice Chairman Lin, I'm sorry to you.”
Then a loud sound. The end of the recording.
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文章时间: 2020-6-24 周三, 下午8:49    标题: 引用回复

VIII. Why did Mao want to criticize Lin Biao connected with Confucius?

On the 18th day of January, 1974, Mao instructed to have another movement, called “criticize Lin and criticize Confucius.” What did Confucius have anything to do with Lin Biao? They lived thousands of years apart. It was said that after Lin's death, Lin's rooms were searched and some quotations from Confucius were found written on paper stuck on the walls. And Lin had said that Mao was like the first emperor of the Qin Dynasty, the tyrant, who had buried alive hundreds of scholars and burned books he did not like. It resembled the anti-rightists movement of Mao against intellectuals. When Mao learned it, he said that he loved the tyrant emperor and hated Confucius. That was why Lin and Confucius were combined for criticisms.
Then at Mao's instruction, “criticize Zhou” was added. The slogan became “criticize Lin, criticize Confucius and criticize Zhou.” Zhou was meant premier Zhou Enlai. After getting rid of Liu, and then of Lin, now Mao wanted to get rid of Zhou to clear way for the gang of four to take over the national power. But as all the old cadres supported Zhou, and as Mao knew that Zhou was wise enough to fall into any trap, Mao had to let this movement slip by without any results.
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文章时间: 2020-6-26 周五, 下午9:44    标题: 引用回复

IX. April-Fifth event in 1976 on TianAnMen Square
 
1) Background of this event
After Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping were out of their leading positions at the beginning of the great cultural revolution, both had different destinies waiting for them. Liu had serious diabetes and was lying in bed in a hospital with tubes in his nose and throat. In October, 1969, Lin Biao ordered Liu to be moved to a prison in Kaifeng City of HeNan province. He was put on a stretcher without clothes on, only covered with a blanket. He was flown to the city in a military plane. Since he had only a thin blanket on, he got cold and then pneumonia. He was thus thrown in a special cell in the prison. On the 13th day of November, when a nurse came to check on him, he was found without breath. So his body was sent to crematories and burned to ashes. On the paper work of the crematories, his name was written as Liu Weihuang, not Liu Shaoqi. His job title was vagabond, not the chairman of the People's Republic of China. His case was redressed in February of 1980.
As to Deng Xiaoping, when Liu was carried to jail, he was sent to labor in a factory repairing agricultural tractors in Xinjian Town in Jiangxi province. Luckily for Deng, the leader of the factory had been an subordinate of Deng in the war period and so took good care of him. Deng just did some light work. In February, 1973, Deng returned to Beijing. When premier Zhou was found to suffer from cancer, Deng was appointed to be in charge of the state affairs.
On the 19th day of May, 1975, in the annual routine checkup, Zhou was found to have cancer in bladder. The doctors in charge reported it to the central committee of CPC and got instructions: first, no more examination; second, don't have operation; third, keep it a secret from Zhou himself and his wife. This decision was made by the gang of four. They wanted Zhou to die as soon as possible.
On the 8th day of January, 1976, premier Zhou died. By his will, his ashes were not put in an urn and buried anywhere, but were spread on the land of China. A very bad tradition in ancient China was that anyone in power would dig up the body of his enemy and would flog the body to vent his fury. That was why Zhou did not want to keep his ashes in any special place lest his urn should be insulted some day when the gang of four got into power.
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文章时间: 2020-6-29 周一, 下午9:12    标题: 引用回复

2) The April-Fifth event on TianAnMen Square

On the 4th day of April, 1976, the tomb-sweeping day for the dead, people in Beijing gathered on the TianAnMen Square in memory of Zhou Enlai and criticized the gang of four without mentioning their names. Sometimes, the people gathering there amounted to over 2 million. So in the night of that day, police were sent to clear the square of the wreaths and slogans and also began to arrest people, which prolonged till the dawn of the 5th day. There was a three-storeyed house in the southeast corner of the square used as a commanding center. Angry crowds burned some cars and surrounded the house, demanding to have a talk with someone in charge in the commanding center, but was refused. So crowds set fire to the house, but those inside escaped and no one was hurt. At night of that day, over 10,000 militiamen, five battalions of soldiers and 3,000 policemen rushed to the square to disperse the throngs. As the militiamen, soldiers and policemen only carried wooden sticks, no guns, there was no one bleeding. The gang of four thought that Deng was behind this as the crowds on the square had shouted their support of Deng, and so on the 7th day of April, Deng was out of office again and put in confinement. Then Hua Guofeng was appointed the premier and the first vice chairman of the central committee of CPC.
No slaughter on TianAnMen Square happened this time, but this event was defined as a reactionary event. In November of 1978, the case was redressed and all those who had been arrested and imprisoned were set free.
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文章时间: 2020-7-01 周三, 下午9:15    标题: 引用回复

X. The arrest of the gang of four – end of cultural revolution
 
1) The downfall of the gang of four with the death of Mao
After the death of Lin Biao, the health of Mao turned bad. In 1972, he had a serious shock. Then he suffered from cataract and could not see like blind. In 1975, after operation, he could see something. On the 9th day of September, 1976, he died at the age of 83, of some kind of disease, no definite diagnosis mentioned. His title at the time was the chairman of the central committee of CPC, the chairman of the central military committee of CPC, and the honorary chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. So he was only the head of the communist party, not the head of the nation of China. But as he was the chairman of the military committee of CPC, he was the most powerful man in the country, because in China, the military forces were controlled by the communist party, not by the government, or the nation. That was why when he had given up the position of the chairman of the republic, but not the position of the military committee of CPC. Before his death, he appointed Hua Guofeng as his successor, as he clearly knew that none of the gang of four, not even his wife Jiang Qing, had abilities to administrate such a huge country like China. If he appointed his wife as his successor, the old cadres would surely oppose his decision. But if he appointed one of the old cadres as his successor, the gang of four and their followers would have objection, too. And Hua Guofeng, though also without enough abilities for the position, was acceptable to both sides. In any political play, a politician should make balance among all sides, and then he could stay safely in the center.
Chinese people knew that the gang of four was supported by Mao only. Now when Mao was out of the picture, the gang of four would not stay long in power. And now there lay before Hua Guofeng a choice: on which side he must lean, the gang of four or the old cadres. A wise man could see which side he must choose. And Hua was a wise man and stood with the old cadres.
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文章时间: 2020-7-03 周五, 下午8:55    标题: 引用回复

2) The cultural revolution ended with the arrest of the gang of four

Just after the death of Mao, Jiang Qing, in the name of Mao's wife, demanded Zhang Yufeng, the personal secretary of Mao, to give her the key to Mao's safe, but Zhang refused, saying the everything belonging to Mao belonged to the Party. She must give the key to the chairman of the Party, Hua Guofeng at the time. Jiang had to leave without the key. What was so important of Mao's safe? It contained the top secret documents of the Party and the state, and some delating letters to reveal some personal secrets of high-ranked cadres, etc., besides Mao's passbook and check book. Whoever controlled those documents and letters could control certain persons, or even the state power. Zhang reported it to Hua Guofeng afterwards, and Hua came to know the importance of Mao's safe and sent Wang Dongxing, commander of the central security bureau for the safety of the Party and national leaders, to take care of it.
On the 21st day of September, Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao recommended Li Xing as the commander of the central security regiment. They wanted Li to report to them all the information of the security regiment and addresses of all the members of the political bureau and conditions of how to guard their residences, etc. Li promised to give them all the information they wanted, but at the same time, he reported it to Wang Dongxing, and then to Hua Guofeng. Both sensed the danger of coup d'etat from the gang of four. Before Mao's death, Mao's nephew, Mao Yuanxin, was appointed the liaison officer between Mao and the central political bureau of CPC. Naturally Mao Yuanxin worked under Jiang Qing, Mao's wife. At dawn of the 4th day of October, 1976, Li Xing heard Mao Yuanxin informing the gang of four at breakfast that he had maneuvered two divisions from Shenyang military zone, which stationed now only one day's distance from Beijing. If summoned, they could reach the capital in one day. Li immediately reported it to Hua. Hua decided that he must take action at once. So he went to see Li Xiannian and Ye Jianying, two old cadres in charge of the army. They decided to notify the gang of four to a meeting and would arrest them then and there. Meanwhile, they notified the commander of the Shenyang military zone to order the two divisions to return to their original camps.
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文章时间: 2020-7-06 周一, 下午8:23    标题: 引用回复

Wang Dongxing was entrusted for the apprehension of them. Zhang Chunqiao came first and was caught in the dark corridor to the meeting room without any trouble. Then Wang Hongwen was put under custody and pushed into the room when he suddenly struggled out of the hands of the security guards and dashed to Ye Jianying with the intention to grip Ye's neck, but was stopped and handcuffed only one meter from Ye. Yao Wenyuan did not make any resistance when arrested. Jiang Qing was always quick-tempered and threw a porcelain vase to the guards, but was subdued at last.
In the morning of the 25th day of January, 1981, the gang of four were judged at court. Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao got the death verdict, but suspended for two years, which generally meant that the prisoner would not be executed at the end of the suspended period, but the sentence would be changed for life. Zhang Chunqiao said nothing at court, by which he showed his contempt for the so-called people's court. After two years, Zhang's verdict was accordingly changed to life sentence in January, 1983, and in March, 1993, hie verdict was changed again for 18 years, but in January, 1997, he was released for medical treatment. He died of cancer on the 21st day of April, 2005, at the age of 88. At court, Jiang Qing made a lot of protests and even gave a speech that sounded like reading the composition of a primary school girl. In January, 1983, her verdict was also changed to life sentence. On the 4th day of May, 1984, she was released for medical treatment of throat cancer. But on the 14th day of May, 1991, she hanged herself in the bathroom using several handkerchiefs tied together. She died at the age of 77. Wang Hongwen was sentenced for life and since 1986, he was moved to a hospital in Beijing and died of liver disease on the 3rd day of August, 1992, at the age of 58. Yao Wenyuan was sentenced for 20 years and was released after 20 years on the 6th day of October, 1996, and died of diabetes on the 23rd day of December, 2005.
Chinese people watched the whole process on television like watching a drama. A political drama for people to enjoy. Nothing more. It was just a fight within the communist party, like dogs fighting for a bone—political power. Whoever won the game had nothing to do with common people. The winner became the king and the loser became the prisoner, as a Chinese saying goes. Thus ended the great cultural revolution and began a new era for China. Good or bad for Chinese people? Wait and see.
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文章时间: 2020-7-08 周三, 下午8:11    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 19 Birth control policy began in 1970
 
I. The general regulations of the birth control policy

The one-child policy is only limited in the Han tribe, especially in the towns and cities. The party called upon young people to marry late, generally, boys after 30 and girls after 25, so that there would be less births. As to the minorities, there was no such a limit. The peasant families in the countryside, and the families of the couples, each of whom already was one child, could have a second birth. So the accurate name for the policy should be the birth control policy, not the one-child policy. The enforcement of the policy decreased the birth rate in China. In 2000, the nationwide census showed the decrease of 250 million child birth, and in 2010, the rate of the population growth reduced to 0.57%.
What would the government do if a couple wanted to have a second birth and the wife was already pregnant against the regulations? At first, the cadres of the resident committee would come to persuade them to have abortion, and leaders of where the couple worked would do the same. They would even threaten the couple by stopping the pay of wages or salary if the couple insisted to have the second birth. Without income, how could the couple live? So generally, the couple had to yield and had abortion. There was a special example in Shanghai. The wife did not have job and was pregnant again. And the government could not stop her pay. The stop of the husband's pay was no use, because his father had been a capitalist and had money to support the couple. As the regulations did not have any penalty to the father in such a situation, the government could do nothing to the father. So the only way the cadres of the resident committee could adopt was to go to see the wife everyday and sat in her house to persuade her all day long. If the wife could not bear the bothering any longer, she might have the abortion. But to the surprise of the local cadres, she played disappearance. They could not get any information where she had gone from the father and the husband. The wife went to hide in a relative's home in another town. She gave birth there and brought child back. The local cadres could not kill the child. No such policy. Afterwards, the policy decided that the couple against the regulations to have the second birth must pay a fine. However, in smaller towns or countryside, things could be very different.
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文章时间: 2020-7-10 周五, 下午8:32    标题: 引用回复

II. Serious events happened concerning the one-child policy

Some illegal performance happened in carrying out the birth control policy in Shaoyang Town of HeNan province. The local cadres, in order to get money for government, “confiscated” by force the child born unlawfully, i.e., taking the baby away from the parents. The family must pay 10,000 yuan fine to get back the child within the time limit. If the family did not hand in the money, the child would be delivered to a local orphanage beyond the time due. They would make up a document to change the status of the child into an orphan, whose surname would be changed to Shao, which was the first word of the town Shaoyang. Some of the orphans were really lawful children of the one-child policy. They took them away from the families by force. The orphans stayed there to be adopted, often by foreigners through lawful procedures, but they must pay 3,000 American dollars. $1,000 would go to those local cadres as commission. This event began in 2000 through 2005. It was revealed on the 21st day of March, 2006, in the South China Morning Post in Hongkong.
Another event was that in Changli Town of Hebei province, where a couple must apply for a “birth service certificate” to have the baby delivered in a hospital. Yang Zhongchen, the husband, and Jin Yani, the wife, got the marriage certificate on the 5th day of May, 2000, and became lawful couple. Then when the wife was pregnant for 9 months and still did not get the birth service certificate, the local cadres forced her to go to the birth service station in the town and she was given an injection for abortion. The 9-month old baby died in the womb, but the dead baby was too big to be easily taken out. An instrument was put in the womb to crush the baby's head and taken out bits by bits. The woman got serious injured and was diagnosed to lose the ability to have child ever afterwards. And the couple was forced to pay the abortion service fee. On the 16th day of January, 2007, the couple sued them for some compensation. Although the court accepted the case, yet the court passed the judgment to overrule the case on the 18th day of May. A similar event happened in Ankang Town of Shaanxi province.
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文章时间: 2020-7-13 周一, 下午9:16    标题: 引用回复

On the 25th day of February, 2007, an event took place in DunGu Town of Bobai county in Guangxi province. The town government decided to gather fines from those families who had had the second birth since 1980. They must pay the fine in three days. Besides, every local cadre must fulfill an allotted quota to have at least one married woman to have the Fallopian tube tied up, which was demanded by the government as one way for efficient birth control. (Sometimes, the husbands were demanded to tie up the seminal duct.) The quota also included the collection of the fines for 500 yuan by the end of August. This decision involved many families. So it developed on the 17th day of May that more than 300 people gathered before the gate of the town government. Some people attacked the government cadres and policemen. On the 18th and the 19th days, such things happened in other six towns. The people gathering once reached 3,000. The event was quieted down on the 23rd day under the pressure of the local governments. Statistics showed the the government income from the fine of the enforcement of the one-child policy reached more than 200 millions a year.
Some Chinese husbands with feudal thinking like boys and hate girls because boys can hand down the family name, in the countryside, some illiterate fathers will kill the baby girl so that he can have a boy born to him next time, especially since 1971 when child control policy was forcibly carried out. In the actual situation since China has such a giant population, the one child policy is correct, or China would have much more population than now, a heavy burden to the nation and to the world as well. What was wrong was Mao, who had encouraged people to have more children like the Soviet Union had done after the World War II. But the block-headed Mao never knew differences between different things. After the second world war, the population in the Soviet Union was only 167 million while that in the fifties in China was round 600 million. The right policy at that time should not encourage people to give more birth. If so, the population nowadays will not be so great. And one child policy is not needed. From all the facts in China, a conclusion can be easily drawn that Mao always made mistakes to bring China into all kinds of troubles: from economical plight to excessive population. Who can deny all the truth? Looking back, in 1950, Ma Yinchu, the president of Beijing University and the vice director of the central financial committee, had proposed the birth control, but Mao did not listen to him. In 1970, the population in China reached 813 million while that in India was only 549 million. If Mao listened to Ma Yinchu in 1950, the population problem will not be so serious.
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文章时间: 2020-7-15 周三, 下午8:09    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 20 The economical reform and the open policy
 
I. Deng Xiaoping came into power again
After the chaos of the 10 years of the cultural revolution, the whole nation wished for restoration of peace and production of necessities for living. At that time, the chief leader of the party and the country was Hua Guofeng, who had no abilities for the management of the national economy. And Ye Jianying was in charge of the army and was not deemed as a person who could shoulder the responsibilities for the national economy. Therefore, almost everyone, even Chinese people, thought of Deng Xiaoping, the famous person, in Mao's words, to go the capitalist road. Now China needed to go the capitalist road for the restoration of the national economy.
An old data showed that in 1820, the GDP of China was 32.4% of the world total GDP, the first in all the countries; in 1919, GDP was 9.1%; in 1952, GDP was 5.2%, while in 1978, after the cultural revolution, GDP fell to 1.8%. So the urgent task for China was to raise its GDP as fast as possible.
At the beginning of 1977, after the downfall of the gang of four, there lay before China a big question mark: where China should go? Hua Guofeng, as the successor of Mao and the new leader of the country and the party could not answer this question. He just put up his policy of “two whatevers”: “Whatever policies Mao had made, we must support; whatever instructions Mao had given, we mush follow.” But all the old cadres opposed the two whatevers as they looked upon it like Hua wanted to continued what Mao had been doing. They thought that China must get rid of Mao's leftist route and then could go the rightist route—the capitalist road, as Mao had put it. Therefore, the two whatevers policy was criticized and Hua was criticized likewise at the meeting of the central political bureau on the 16th day of November, 1980. But the most unforgivable fault of Hua was that he did not support the old cadres to restore to their former positions and work. So Chen Yun openly said that Hua was not suitable to be the leader. Therefore, Hua was forced to resign. On the 5th day of December, his resignation was approved by the central political bureau of CPC. Naturally Deng became the new leader of the party and the nation. Hua died of some kind of disease on the 20th day of August, 2008.
Deng had two famous quotations: One is “practice is the sole criterion to determine what is truth.” The other is “It doesn't matter whether it is a white cat or a black cat, the cat that can catch the mouse is a good cat.” The second quotation clearly reflects his pragmatism.
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文章时间: 2020-7-17 周五, 下午9:36    标题: 引用回复

II. Deng's goal to let part of Chinese people get rich first

Deng did not say who could be get rich first. But from the later development of the economy and cases of many individuals, who got rich first, being then fined for tax evasion or whatever reasons the government could think of to be poor anew. Some were even imprisoned for violation of this law or that. But the family members and relatives of the party leaders and government high officials were all safe from penalty or jail though they were known publicly having violated laws.
Anyway, though Deng wanted to go the capitalist road as against Mao's socialist road, he met with oppositions, because just after the cultural revolution, Mao's leftist thinking was still maintained by many people. But it was the fault of Deng himself too, as he did not criticize Mao's leftist thinking first before he went the capitalist road. If he could have started a movement to criticize Mao's leftist thinking, it would be easier for him to go the capitalist road. Why did he still want to keep Mao as the idol of the communist party and not entirely abandon his influence? No one could have the answer. Since the signboard of Mao was still upheld in the present time, the reform, even in the economical field only, had certain limits, which tied the hands and feet of the party leaders. If China wants to make further advance without a hitch, the idol of Mao must be overthrown forever. They must declare to be entire capitalism, not the initial stage of the socialism, but going the capitalist road financially and the socialist road politically.
There were debates about certain problems. When going the capitalist road, there would be private businesses and the owners of the private businesses must hire employees. According to socialist thinking, there should not be exploitation of employees by the private business owners. The debates went on for a couple of years. Finally, Deng made the decision: Let there be exploitation if China must go the capitalist road. Deng's decision is actually opposite to the idea of socialism, as Marxism decided that exploitation is typical of capitalism, though Chinese communist party repeatedly declares that China is a socialist country. Of course, the world knows that it is a false declaration. And as the CPC always tells lies, it is no surprise to the world.
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文章时间: 2020-7-20 周一, 下午8:23    标题: 引用回复

In the early 80s of the 20th century, as approved by the central political committee of CPC and the state council, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou, and Amoy in the southern coast area became the special economic zones. Therefore, the local governments invited the investment of the foreign capital for the development of the local economy. Another problem arose. The foreign businesses might employ some Chinese personnel as managers. Thus there would be a new compradore class, which reminded some old people of the old China where the so-called imperialists had made the economical invasion.
On the 24th day of January, 1984, Deng went to inspect Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Amoy, three special economic zones, and was satisfied with the situation. He decided to open more harbor cities like Dalian and Qingdao, as the special economic zones. At that time, Deng was the director of the central counselor committee and the chairman of the central military committee of CPC. It meant that he had the control of the army. So every party leader must listen to him. His decision was the final, though he had no position in the central government.
In April of 1988, HaiNan Island was made an independent province and also a special economic zone. In June, the local government and a company from Hongkong signed an agreement that 30 square kilometers of land in Yangpu Peninsular would be leased to the company for 70 years. The company could use it at its own discretion. It was the first time that the communist party adopted such a style in its open policy. It was called Yangpu Style. Some old people connected it with the foreign settlements in old China, criticized it and opposed it. In March of 1989, this event developed into a so-called Yangpu Storm, politically. Many party leaders went there for inspection. Then Deng interfered and the storm quieted down. On the 9th day of March, 1992, the state council approved the official set-up of the “Yangpu Economic Developing Zone.”
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文章时间: 2020-7-22 周三, 下午8:15    标题: 引用回复

III. How Hu Yuebang got into and out of power
 
1) Hu Yuebang became general secretary of central secretariat of CPC

Hu Yuebang (11/20/1915—04/15/1989) was from a poor peasant family and joined the communist party in 1933. When Hua Guofeng was forced to resign in June, 1981, there arose the question who would be the chairman of the party? Deng Xiaoping, 77 of age at the time, wanted to be the chairman, but Ye Jianying did not support him because he did not like the resignation of Hua. Someone nominated Ye as the chairman, but Ye declined because he was over 80 then. Since Hu Yuebang had a lot of merits in his work to the party, he was agreed to be the chairman of the party. Zhao Ziyang (10/17/1919—01/17/2005) was made a vice chairman of the party. After Hua resigned all his positions, Zhao was made the premier of the state council. Then Hu Yuebang proposed to have Hua as a vice chairman of the party and his proposal was agreed upon. Deng was the chairman of the party military committee.
In the 12th party conference, Hu Yuebang wanted to resign from the position of the chairman of the party and proposed Deng to be the chairman, and Hu himself to be a vice chairman. Deng proposed Ye to be the chairman, but Ye declined once more and said, “You two dwarfs can work together for the party.” (Deng Xxiaoping and Hu Yuebang both had short stature.) But Hu insisted in not being the chairman of the party. He could take the position of the general secretary of the party. Then the position of the party chairman was vacant for many years. The general secretary took charge of the party affairs.
When Hu had been the minister of the organization ministry of the central committee of CPC, he had done a great job in the correction of many wrong cases, the biggest one being the case of the so-called anti-rightists movement, which involved over 550,000 rightists.
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文章时间: 2020-7-24 周五, 下午8:59    标题: 引用回复

2) How Hu Yuebang was forced to resign from general secretary position

The cause of Hu's resignation was his different opinion with Deng about Deng's full retirement from power. Since Mao had stayed in power till death, Deng likewise wished to have power as long as possible. In May of 1986, Deng made a false move, a typical two-faced person like Mao. Maybe, he just learned it from Mao. Deng invited Hu to come to his home for the discussion of the personnel arrangement of the party positions in the 13th party conference. Hu said that he was over 70 and must retire in the 13th party conference. Deng said, “Chen Yun, Li Xiannian, and I will all retire. You (Hu) can half retire, no longer to be the general secretary, but still can be the chairman of the military committee or of the nation for a term. Then you'll see what to do.”
On the 22nd day of August, 1986, Deng had a birthday party for his 81st anniversary. At the party Deng said that he would retire in the 13th party conference. Hu believed it. The stupid dwarf, Hu, was no match for the wise dwarf, Deng. In October, on the meeting of the central political bureau, Hu openly said that he supported Deng to retire and then other old cadres would retire, too, so as to make way for the younger comrades. He added that he would retire from the office of the general secretary at the end of the term. Some old cadres agreed with Hu, including Wan Li. When Deng asked Wan why Hu wanted him to retire, which showed that Deng never actually wanted to retire, Wan said that Hu might just have a slip of the tongue. Deng asked again if Hu wanted to show himself off by so doing. Wan replied that Hu was not such a sort of person.
Anyway, on the 10th day of January, 1987, on an informal meeting of the political bureau, some of Deng's supporters criticized Hu and asked him to resign right away. Therefore, He had to resign on the spot. But people remembered him for his integrity. In the 13th party conference, he was elected the member of the central committee of CPC by over 1,800 votes, and was elected the member of the central political bureau with almost the full votes less 7.
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文章时间: 2020-7-27 周一, 下午8:22    标题: 引用回复

Chapter 21 The slaughter of students on TianAnMen Square
 
I. The background of the TianAnMen event

In 1986, there was a democratic atmosphere on the political stage in China. As the economical reform had an obstacle from the political system and the economical system, the reform, though somewhat having some achievements in the countryside, met with difficulties in cities. Prices of goods rose. Inflation happened. Officials became corrupt. Belief crisis worsened. Therefore, there originated the conflict of two different opinions among the party leaders. One was to support the reform and the other objected the reform by opposing the so-called bourgeois liberalization. Deng at first tended to the former, but then turned over to the latter. He might be afraid that the bourgeois liberalization would endanger the tyrannical rule of the communist party.
After the resignation of Hu Yuebang, Zhao Ziyang became the general secretary. Li Peng was made the premier of the state council. On the 13th day of May, 1987, Zhao Ziyang, instructed by Deng, gave a speech to actually cease the anti-bourgeois-liberalization movement. Deng changed his attitude again. At the suggestions of some economists, Zhao tried to carry on the reform from the prices of goods. The goods price reform caused a stampede of purchase that had an impact to the price control. Those who opposed the reform thereby persuaded Deng to stop. Criminal cases of all kinds increased.
College students had the sharpest sense to the change of the political situations and the social conditions. Some renowned intellectuals, especially the university professors, demanded to release all the political prisoners. On the 6th day of January, 1989, Fang Lizi, a famous scientist, wrote an open letter to Deng for amnesty of political prisoners, especially Wei Jingsheng, who later was allowed to leave China for the US.
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文章时间: 2020-7-29 周三, 下午8:34    标题: 引用回复

In universities in Beijing at the time, there was a wall,on which students could openly post their opinions written on paper stuck on it. Since all the opinions could be openly expressed there, the wall was called “Democracy Wall.” The famous wall was the Xidan Democracy Wall, located in Xidan of Beijing, not within any of the university campus. It had developed from the big-character paper in the cultural revolution stuck on the wall. In 1978, a lot of articles and poems were posted there. On the 16th day of November, an article posted with an alias of Mechanician #0538 conveyed the criticism of the historic mistakes of Mao and requested to abolish the tyranny, and to have democracy and the freedom of speech. There gathered sometimes as many as more than 10,000 people, including foreign press.
On the 8th day of January, 1979, Fu Yuehua, a female textile worker, had a demonstration on TianAnMen Square with thousands of other people for the human rights. They held up a banner bearing the words: Democracy and human rights. On the 9th day of January, Fu Yuehua was apprehended. On the 22nd day of March, 1979, Beijing Daily published an article “Human rights are not the proletarian slogan.” On the 25th day of March, Wei Jingsheng posted his article on Xidan Democracy Wall titled “Democracy or new tyranny” to openly criticize Deng going the tyrannical road. On the 29th day, Wei was arrested. The reason for the arrest of Wei made open by the government was that Wei sold military information to foreigners at the price of 20 yuan of Chinese currency. It meant that Wei was so destitute in need of 20 yuan. Many Chinese people had 20 yuan at that time. Who would care for 20 yuan? And did they mean that Wei did not know the importance of military information and that he would sell it for only 20 yuan? No wonder. The communist government always tells lies. On the same day, Beijing government put up a public notice to prohibit this, prohibit that, anything to criticize the government and the party. They also forbade the posting of the big word paper and demonstrations.
On the Second Session of the Fifth National People's Congress in June, Hu Yuebang said that some comrades criticized him for supporting liberalization which would encourage anarchism, but he wanted to maintain his own viewpoint. As to the apprehension of Wei Jingsheng and others, Hu said that for these brave people, they did not care to be imprisoned. If Wei Jingsheng died in the prison, he would be deemed a martyr in the eye of people. Hu implied that it was not worth letting Wei die in prison. Hu's hint meant that political prisoners were always maltreated in jail.
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文章时间: 2020-7-31 周五, 下午8:48    标题: 引用回复

II. The fuse to university students protesting on TianAnMen Square

On the 15th day of April, 1989, Hu Yuebang died of heart disease. He was thought by Chinese people, especially university students, as a firm political reformer. With the termination of the chaotic cultural revolution, people pinned hope on Deng to go the capitalist road, but Deng disappointed them by going the capitalist road financially only, and refusing to go the capitalist road politically. The disappointment of Deng also lay in his rejection to redress the anti-rightist movement as a whole and in his forcing Hu to resign.
From the 15th day to the 17th day, people kept coming to the TianAnMen Square and put wreaths, white banners, white flowers and paper couplets around the Monument of People's Heroes in memory of Hu. On the 16th day, a student from Beijing University quietly sat there on a small stool he had brought with a long slip of white paper on him bearing the words: “Eternal farewell, (Hu) Yuebang!” In many universities in Shanghai and other cities, students put up slogans in memory of Hu. Everything was in order.
On TianAnMen Square, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon on the 17th day, over 20 students played mourning music and shouted something like “Long live freedom!” “Long live democracy!” “Long live law system!” (In communist China, law is only a decoration. The party decides everything even against the law they make.) And some other slogans. At 4:30, a parade came into the square, singing L'Internationale. Then they dispersed quietly. Round 7 o'clock, about 3,000 people gathered there in memorial activities. Past 8 o'clock, the memorial service of the crowds reached its climax. Many students chanted poems of their own composition and applause sounded vehemently. Just past midnight on the 18th day, more than 1,000 students from Beijing University came, joined by students of other universities, totaling 3,000. They yelled with something like “Long live freedom!” “Long live democracy!” and “Down with bureaucratists!” while singing L'Internationale.
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